Power Sector Crisis in India: The interdependence between Government, Business and Society
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The power sector in
India since independence reflected the state-centered approach to development
and nation building. It was considered to be central to the agenda of
industrialization and improving the living standards of the impoverished
masses. The challenge of constructing and operating a huge power
infrastructure, where none existed, was enormous. Government was the only
entity capable of mobilizing resources for this task. As a result the power
sector became dominated by vertically integrated monopolies in generation,
transmission and distribution.
Huge power projects
involving big public investment soon turned into nation building exercises.
Nehru termed them as ‘the temples of modern India’. An unwritten social
contract had developed in which state became the guarantor of provision of
electricity and citizens accepted its roles unquestioningly. Power was a public
good now. The Keynesian arguments for an activist role by the government were
accepted.
Economic concerns such
as profitability, competition, environmental constraints and governance issues
such as public participation, accountability and transparency were put to back
burner.
But the promises were
not delivered and by 1990s the sector was beset with multiple problems
including over dependence on coal, erratic and unexploited hydro-power
resources, loss making State Electricity Boards, organizational problems in
power sector structure spread over different states and subject to different
political influences, lack of capability to finance new projects, lack of
domestic equipment manufacturers and technology, high Transmission and
Distribution losses and clamor for subsidies by different consumers which
further added to the monetary losses.
It was in such a climate
that the power generation was opened up for investment. The primary goal was to generate power at any
cost. The slogan went that ‘power at any cost is preferable to no power’. Government
tried to attract investment with clauses of minimum guaranteed return, tax
holidays, guaranteed payments and generous land. These initiatives reflected
the emerging neoliberal agenda of privatization, deregulation, inviting foreign
capital and putting environmental concerns on the back burner. But despite all
the hysteria the results on ground were disappointing. Many of the projects
failed to take off beyond MoUs. Others, like Enron ran into troubles over the
expensive electricity generated.
Perennial problems like
under recoveries, lower agricultural tariffs and high T&D losses blocked
any progress. It was realized that without any comprehensive reform in
Transmission and Distribution it would be tough to revitalize power sector. In
such scenario Electricity Act was passed in 2003.
Its primary aim was to
unbundle the SEB’s, make generating companies financially secure from
defaulting SEBs, giving them freedom to sell directly to industrial consumers, allowing
captive power generation and opening up access to Transmission and Distribution
system. However, political favoritism forced the
government to continue providing cheap power to agriculture and domestic
consumers. In the period between 2006-07 and 2008-09 the average cost of supply
increased from 2.76 to 3.54 Rupees/unit but the average revenue realized
increased by just 0.35 Rupees/Unit.
As of fiscal 2011-12 financial sector’s exposure to sector is
nearly Rs 2,00,000 crore while the accumulated losses of State Electricity Boards
are expected to cross Rs 1,00,000 crore. All scheduled banks have an exposure
of 6.1% of their loans with a high probability of default on them. As per the Central
Electricity Authority tariffs are required to be increased by 15-20% on year on
basis for sustaining the sector.
Generation has been
constrained by lack of fuel. Due to environmental concerns the coal mining is
unable to satisfy demand from power sector. The ambitious Ultra Mega Power
Projects are either behind schedule or lying idle for the want of fuel. With
payment defaults, high raw material costs and environmental activism the power
sector has become unviable for participants.
The power sector crisis
has widespread implications for social and economic development of India. Due
to this GDP has been constrained by 2% industrial sector growth is hit.
There exists a strong
correlation between availability of electricity and the level of social human
development. In 2002, UN set a limit of 1000KwH per capita electricity
consumption for a society to experience medium level of human development. The
macroeconomic implications of a supply shock-induced energy crisis are large,
because energy is the resource used to exploit all other resources. If there is an energy crisis, industry faces
closure and economic growth rate is hampered. According to a very recent Asia
Development bank survey-“Losses arising from power and gas shortages held down
GDP growth by 3–4 percentage points in FY2011 and FY2012”. On social front, job
opportunities are lost and because of power cuts, people come out in protest
against the government and destroy public and private property. This ultimately
leads to declining popularity of the government.
Political and resource constraints
were directly responsible for the massive blackout on 31st July and
then again on 1st August which affected 600 million people in 21
states. Transport, industry, businesses, services, railways and essential
services came to a screeching halt. Over drawl from national grid by power
deficient northern states was immediately blamed. Regional Load Dispatch Centers
are responsible for maintaining grid discipline and supervising optimum
scheduling and delivery of electricity in their regions. The country has five
RLDCs—for the northern, eastern, north-eastern, western and southern
regions—and one national load dispatch centre. Two of these-Northern and North
Eastern-collapsed in this crisis.
Political pressure
ensures that no disciplinary action is taken against errant states. As the
blame game continues it is the society and the business who suffer. Political
considerations allow high thefts and high agricultural subsidies. The lax
attitude of political class is shocking given the fact that they are elected
representatives who are supposed to provide basics of life to masses.
What is apparent that
the society and business need power to prosper, which cannot happen easily
without getting the financial and technical resources of the private sector.
This government has to provide a stable and secure business and regulatory
environment for this to happen. The needs and objectives of the business,
government and society cannot be met without bringing about a convergence in
their agendas. And convincing the political class about the utility of such a
convergence. Until such a realization happens India will continue to grope
about in dark alleys. '
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